Economic Justice and the Gospel in Pastoral Ministry

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Yesterday, TGC carried my article on how the life of Jonathan Edwards illustrates why economic justice should be a gospel imperative for pastors:

Today, even those who affirm the need for both gospel proclamation and concern for justice often view them as competing priorities. More attention to one must mean less attention to the other, right?

We would benefit from a fresh encounter with Edwards’s confidence that these two imperatives cannot be separated, and his courage in living out that connection in a costly way.

Come for the hellfire sermon, delivered on Christmas Day, about how the worm-ridden corpses of the rich are no better off than those of the poor; stay for the heroic fight to deliver on broken promises made to the native tribes of western Massachussetts!

Commenters have raised pointed questions about my use of the term “justice,” to which I have responded in the thread. I do wish, now that it has been pointed out, that I had thought to mention and condemn Edwards’ participation in slavery – an economic injustice of the highest order.

As always, your thoughts are appreciated!

My Day One Essay

For the first day of class this term, I did not speak to my students.  I simply presented them with a prompt and had them use the time to write a response to this quotation from G. K. Chesterton:

Of course, to be fair, and to make it easier to remain silent, I did the writing myself.  (in the first class, and in another class that was a different course; I wrote poems during the other sections, rather than rewrite the same piece multiple times.)  What follows is my response to my prompt, as transcribed from the legal pad I wrote it down on:

There are several reasons I offered you this quotation to begin our class.  I can discuss some of these with you later.  For just two examples, this passage sets up a conversation I like to have in Rhetoric classes about the meaning of words such as “fact” and “assertion” and “argument” by using “opinion” in a controversial manner.  For another, really technical-sounding, reason, I like the way Chesterton’s point here coincides with a Gadamerian defence of prejudice.  Most simply, though, this bumptious-sounding passage brings us rapidly to the heart of the subject we are here to study–the relationship between reasoning in public and being well-informed on matters that should concern us all.

By “indifference” Chesterton does not mean having no feelings–no one could be “terrible” in “frenzy” without emotions.  What he means is a bit more subtle than that.  Consider two possible responses to seeing an upsetting event on television.  One person talks to all his friends about how gross or scary it was, or maybe joins a bunch of friends to stand outside where there’s a protest.  There are some emotions on display–but has he really done anything that commits him to further action and makes him fit to act and advocate wisely and well?  I suggest he has not.

By comparison, consider his friend who has a habit of being well informed and well prepared.  She wants to know whether the reactions she hears are realistic and proportionate.  She is not content to be merely “open-minded” or “skeptical,” so she actively studies available learning from a variety of disciplines and traditions.  When she ends up talking to others about this problem, she already has some idea what she thinks, and has reasons for her view–she knows what her “initial judgment,” or “prejudice,” is.  As a result, her friends have to offer her better reasons than the ones she’s already found, if they want to move her to a new, possibly better, position.

This movement, from preparation to “exigence” (the moment when others might disagree with you) to a more decided and defined understanding, is what we call “reasoning.”  We do not merely shout what we think at any moment at each other, but prepare our thoughts so that we can give reasons to our friends–and even our rivals, opponents, or enemies.

When we prepare by studying and thinking carefully, and reason with others, most people will feel an obligation to give their own reasons, or at least to criticize our reasons.  Responding to reasons with reasons, and weighing those reasons for fitness and relative importance, is what “reasonable” people do, and “responsible” people expect this to be usual in their conversations.  People who abuse this process with lies or manipulations are justly called “unreasonable” and “irresponsible,” and we can safely refuse to consider their views until we hear reasonable and responsible expressions of similar views.

When people are “indifferent” to matters that they ought to study and fail to prepare for reasonable and responsible discourse, they are overwhelmingly likely to be swept along with crowds of others who do not care enough to learn, but who can be counted on to do what this celebrity or that party leader tells them, especially if they can be made frightened or angry enough.  “Indifferent” people can be easily manipulated by a charming or famous or surprising person, especially if that person is well-liked by the news and entertainment media.  From street protests to the DMV, from tech support to a mass rally for a radical politician, most of the bad results you see are easily attributable to “indifference” in this sense.  It is through our failure to take responsibility to learn and speak and act reasonably that we become slaves.

In the end, it is slavery that Chesterton warns us against–slavery to those in power, maybe, but definitely slavery to our own ignorance and passions, as those are echoed and amplified by millions of others, and manipulated by those who are eager to sell us things.  For in believing that the world exists to keep our desires met, that being consumers can make us happy and hard thinking will make us sad, we become enslaved–and we are likely also to become bigots.

Feeling the McMullinmentum!

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Arguments that Evan McMullin’s independent campaign for president of the United States is pointless have only succeeded in making me feel better about the McMullinmentum I’m already feeling sweep the nation.

Even hostile commentators admit he could throw an otherwise Trump-winnable election to Clinton and even has a plausible path to send the election to the House of Representatives, which would have to choose between the three.

  1. If Clinton wins becasue of McMullin, the lesson the GOP learns is that it can’t win without conservatives. This is very, very good for conservatives! (The fact that this has to be said is a sad commentary on the commentariat, who seem to think it’s bad to be blamed when your enemies lose.)
  2. Yes, if the election goes to the House becasue McMullin took Utah, it’s overwhelmingly likely that the House will pick Trump. But before it does so, it will have the opportunity to extract big concessions from Trump – he will go back on all the ones he can, but he won’t be able to go back on them all, and the ones he does go back on he won’t be able to totally go back on. And that would be an important new constraint on America’s Mussolini, of which we need all we can get.

The biggest attraction of McMullinmentum, of course, is to have an honest alterantive to vote for. Every single vote for McMullin – every individual vote – increases the number of Americans who go on record in history as refusing the decline into barabrism. Every vote for McMullin decreases the high cost of civilizational renewal.

It’s going to get darker for a few more years. The question is whether we have enough vision to see what will bring the light back sooner.

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Education for Pluralism and the Babylonian Captivity of Social Conservatism

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Two new articles on very big questions today – First Thoughts carries my response to David French’s declaration that social conservatives risk becoming “the cheapest date in American politics”:

I wish I could be as optimistic as French about the future of social conservatism. He thinks that the choice of whether to become a cheap date is still before us. I wonder whether it hasn’t already passed. That’s one of the lessons of the fairy tales: The moment you become aware that you’re making a moral choice with titanic consequences is the moment after you’ve made the choice and sealed your fate.

And the newly renmaed EdChoice carries Part 1 of my new series on how to design an accountability system for education in a free society where we do not agree about the highest questions in life:

Our freedom to disagree about transcendent things does not mean that public policy can escape the responsibility to ask what is good, true and beautiful. In fact, the very assertion that it is good to have the freedom to disagree about transcendent things is itself an assertion about what is good, i.e. about transcendent things.

Any education policy embodies, and to a degree imposes, some moral view—even if it is only the view that the freedom to disagree is good. Indeed, it is in education where our public policy must have the strongest moral commitment to freedom and diversity if we want to sustain a society characterized by freedom and diversity.

The challenge of pluralism is also an opportunity for us to discover a fresh vision of human potential that embraces the freedom to disagree about the highest things.

As always, your thoughts on these matters are much appreciated!